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Many of them dont know what really happened with their children and they
have not be able to bury their bodies yet
Bahaa Alian died in 2016, but his father has not buried him yet because israeli
authorities never came back to him and their family his body. For this reason, they
could not to perform the mourning rituals and neither carrying him on their shoulder to
say goodbye to their child. “Having a funeral is what helps to the family to overcome
the death. We couldn´t do this, so we sometimes feel hopeless”, adds.
More than six years later, he has no notice about how his son died and he has never
received the death certificate. “We really doesn´t know the truth and are trying to
discover what actually happened to Bahaa Alian to can carry on with our lives”, he says.
“How is it possible to rest knowing that your child is in a cold room at -30C and that
you will probably never be able to recognize his or her body because he or she will
become just another number in the graveyard of numbers?”, asks.
One day, while he was working, he received a phone call which informed him that his
son had been killed by the israeli army. He tells what means to be the father of a
palestinian martyr and that it is not always something easy. “People cant see you crying
or sad because you have to be proud of your son because he has died for the country”,

Also, he says they usually find support and comfort with people who are in the same
situation. “We feel relieved when we talk with other parents who are as well fighting to
know the truth and what really happened to their children”.
Over 400 palestinian have been buried in the graveyard of the numbers (cementerio de
números), located primarily in the Palestinian district of Tiberias. They keep the bodies
in cold storage and after some time, bury them with a number which they give to the
families in order for them to know where the body is.
The withholding of remains is considered a post mortem punishment and a deterrent
measure to repress and intimidate the Palestinian people in the face of the growing

Nadya Raja Tannous, a journalist specializing in the Israeli occupation of Palestine,
explains how in the West Bank, if a Palestinian is convicted of a crime by the State of
Israel after his death, the army can conduct a post-mortem trial, where the body is
placed in a storage facility inside Israel until the sentence is pronounced, which is what
gives rise to the so-called cemetery of numbers
Bureaucratic and legal management is slow, documentation is usually misrepresented
and it takes a long time to receive information about their children, so it is the relatives
themselves who create campaigns to speed up procedures. “We have not received
support, everyone has looked the other way”, says.

The mother of Abdul Hamid Abu Sarour says that her son was buried with another three
martyrs and that there was something strange because some dates about her son were
not right. “They gave me a statement where there were some inconsistencies. For
example, they put a foot number that was not the same which they wrote on the medical
statement and some similar happened with the clothes he wore the day he went out”.
The Jerusalem Center for Human Rights and Legal Aid (JLAC) is the one that
represents the families before the Israeli justice to request the delivery of the bodies of
the martyrs. Most of the relatives affirm that it is a slow process, sometimes it can even
last up to 2 years, which is why international pressure is so important so that the Israeli
state reconsider this policy, since this legislation agreed by the emergency regulation
that was promoted by the British Mandate government in 1945 and that is still in force
today, serves as authorization to be able to exercise the retention of the corpses of the
Cadaver retention policy is a way of collective punishment and is part of humans rights
violations such as the right to dignity, family life, religious freedom, property and the
prohibition of inhumane treatment.
The fight goes on. They continue without being able to see the bodies of their children
and without having an answer as to what really happened and the parents keep repeating

the same question: how do I know that my son was murde red?

Writers : Belen López, Sandra Martínez and Judith E. Castaneda

Source: Palestine Update 488- August 2021

By Ranjan Solomon

The Taliban have won back their terrain and the Americans have scooted after having invested two trillion dollars or more leaving behind death and destruction. It is a new dawn, a new era. American colonialism and their allies have been crushed. Another Vietnam?

Three generations have growed up in this area and they still have hope to
return to their natural villages
Aida Camp is one of the three refugee camps in Bethlehem. There are around 4.500
people living in the houses that UNRWA gives them after the Nakba, in 1950 with the
idea to be possible return and to repatriate to all the Palestinians who had been expelled
from their homes under the Israeli occupation.
Aida Camp has seen growing up just three differents generations. Three generations eho
were borned in one of the three refugee camps the city of Bethlehem.

All the families who were repatriated in these refugee camps, lived in tents, where they
ate, sleeped and did it all. At first, the Aida refugee camp housed exactly 94 tents where
1.125 refugees lived togehter. They believed that this would be temporary. 10 years
later, these thents were replaced by houses of a few square meters: “the walls of some of
these first houses are still preserved, in these houses lived up to 7 people in the same
room. They had no kitchen or bathroom.” said Ahmed, one of the coordinators of the
AIC. The Palestinians families refused to live in construction housing. If they replaced
the tents with houses made of cement, it meant that the idea of return was left far
behind. It meant that they would never return to their homes. That they could never
return to their house where one day they left their suitcases, all their furniture and
memories and that they will never be able to recover it again.
One day, they closed the door with the key and never reopened. More than 75 years
have passed and many of the families continue to keep the key as the most precious
treasure of their homes. Ghassan Zboun is the third generation who live in the camp.
His maternal grandfather one day closed the door of his house and never opened it.
Ghassan and his wife Rahaf have just finished their university studies, but like many of
the young people who live in Aida, there are no job opportunities for youth. They have
one daughter with only a year, her name is Mina, she is the fourth generation who is
living in the same walls as his great-grandfather.
Little remains of the first house in which they lived, over time they have been
restructuring the house, giving it the form of a home: “my home, my town is not this,
my home is in Elaar”, says Ghassan with the key of his family’s houses in his hands:
“this key is more than 75 years old, for us it is like a family heirloom”.

Sometimes this key is known as the return key. The main entrance to the Aida camp is
formed by an arch with a key, which means for all Palestinians the feeling of returning
to their villages: Beit Jibrin, Al-Ramla, Beit-Awa, Abu-Gyas o Aleer, as it is the Zboun
family. The hope and the idea of return in the form of a key can be found in front of one
of the Israeli checkpoint gates: “many times, these gates open and soldieres start coming
to the camp” says Ahmed.
On many of its walls you can read the words “we will return”. In another of the many
walls that are found, there are the names of all the towns that one day all the refugees

from Aida left behind. There are more than 20 villages that today are under Israeli
occupation. "Here life is very simple, the streets are very narrow, you don't see trees,
you don't hear the birds sing," says one of the women who has managed to live outside
one of the Beit Lehem refugee camps. In every corner of Aida, you find a child playing.
Now, in summer, there are usually several summer camps organized by Aida Youth
Center, a cultural center for young people in the countryside, which organizes activities
for children or solidarity markets for small rural entrepreneurs. Some children of just 6
years old have just finished their school day in the camp, all of them go with their
backpacks, heading home, smiling. They run through the streets with a white t-shirt of
the camp in which you can read: "we will return”.
The UN resolution 181 was within the peace agreements for Palestine, in which they
reestabilshed the borders between Palestine and Israel, dividing the territory for the two
states. Little by little, the Palestinian territory is getting smaller and smaller: “this is like
Apartheid, but in an indirect way. The situation we experienced in 1948 and the one we
are experiencing now is very similar, before they used to throw us out of our houses by
force, now we have to leave because they won't let us live '', clarifies Ahmed. According
to UNRWA, 5.6 million people who live in camps besieged in the midst of the conflict,
to this day, continue to manage basic services in the countryside, with almost the same
resources as in 1948 for a population that while waiting for their return has grown
"We've been living here for a lifetime, my mother was born here and my daughter has
too, what's going to happen next?" says Ghassan. Many Palestinians ask themselves the
same question: what will happen once the lease that the UN signed comes to an end?
This contract has a duration of 99 years, of which 70 have already passed. "Normally,
these contracts are renewed by the organizations or even return to their homes, but in
this case we do not know what will happen." "I hope to return to my home once the 99-
year contract is over, I hope to see my roots and the town of my grandparents," says the
coordinator of the Aida Youth Center. “Come in 20 years and you will discover with
your own eyes what has really happened in the Palestinian refugee camps”, with the
skyline of the walled city of Bethlehem, surrounded by 7 watchtowers, in the
background. the Palestinian population continues to ask itself the same question: what
will happen after all this?

Writers : Belen López, Sandra Martínez and Judith E. Castaneda

Israeli occupation forces have killed four Palestinians, including two children, and wounded 1,090 others, including 141 children, during the previous 20 days, a United Nations (UN) report revealed on Saturday.

In the report, which covered the period between 8 and 28 July, the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA) stated that the Palestinians were killed and wounded in the occupied West Bank.

According to UNOCHA's report, since the start of this year, Israeli occupation forces have killed 50 Palestinians, including 11 children, in the occupied West Bank.

During the same period, at least 11,232 other Palestinians have been wounded in the occupied West Bank, including 584 children.

One of the latest prominent flashpoints is the new illegal Israeli settlement outpost known as Evyatar, located in the village of Beita in the West Bank city of Nablus.

According to the UN report, out of the 11,232 Palestinians wounded during the reported period, 939 were injured by the Israeli occupation forces guarding the site of the illegal settlement.

The settlement was erected on Palestinian-owned land near Beita. While the settlers vacated the settlement on 2 July, Israeli forces have since been stationed to guard the buildings, awaiting the decision by Israeli authorities on whether the land can be classified as "state land" and whether a Jewish religious seminary can be established on the site.

The report added: "Since the establishment of the settlement in early May, Israeli forces have killed five Palestinians, including two children, and injured at least 3,077 others, including 381 children, in similar incidents."

Source : https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20210731-un-israel-killed-4-palestinians-injured-1090-in-last-20-days/?mc_cid=d450776b6e&mc_eid=f0374718c6&utm_source=Palestine%20Updates&utm_campaign=854aac0b36-EMAIL_CAMPAIGN_6_22_2018_18_52_COPY_01&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_002b0f7bf9-854aac0b36-30376749&fbclid=IwAR064bywLNoXWk1KXNCnwPYkYxZ2SZkwdde7pq2C05_-iNlGl0MIfpjd0XE

The unarmed struggle, like writing, is one of the main means of palestinians Struggle historically and important figures such as Asmaa Abu Ayyash show how to join the cause through literature and art

Every night there are cinematographic works in Beita. The boys, sitting in their plastic chairs and with laser pointers, make noise and point their lights at the Israeli settlers to make them leave. These Israeli colonies, according to international humanitarian law, are illegal, article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention.
This typology of civil resistance is a political action which uses peaceful, non-violent methods where there is a wide variety of activities that challenge a specific power, force, policy or regime.
These Palestinian resistance movements began in the early 20th century, first against the Ottoman Empire and later against the British Mandate and then with Jewish emigration to the region. But the beginning of the peaceful struggle does not take place until the second Intifada. These structures of non-violent civil resistance gave a massive and generalized character from the base of political and social mobilization. From merchant strikes and the boycott of Israeli products, from the refusal to pay taxes or non-compliance with military orders, they are the protagonists of these peaceful uprisings, according to Novact.org.
Endurance based on perseverance showed that Palestinians want to be in their land and for this reason different political movements developed educational demonstrations to refuse some measures. The universities became in one of principal places for the resistance and this form of non-violence started growing up in 2005, so their resistance is base on the creativity and for this reason many palestinian say no to the force.
Asma Abu Ayyash is member of Palestine Writers League and she has published two books with her own money because she has the necessary to tell the worl what is happening in her land: “I wrote this novel, especially for my father and also for people who lived the same things as him. Thousands of people have suffered and they still continue suffering. For this reason, I must write '', she says while explaining that writing is one of the non violence resistence.“I had to write about their feelings and how they were shocked with this situation. Testimonies show the situation in which many people have lived”, adds. She was born in 1953 in a Palestinian refugee camp in Jordan. After the Nakba, her parents had to flee their home, leaving behind memories, feelings, clothes, and the memory of a lifetime.
In 1948 they had to flee from Yaffo (Jaffa, the old city of Tel Aviv) as it was occupied by Israeli soldiers. They had no choice but to leave their forever home.
Asma lived in the countryside until she was 18, then she went to Jordan to Amman to study, where she began working as a journalist to comment on the cause and struggle of the Palestinian people. She had to be a refugee in Syria, Lebanon, Tunisia and Jordan. It was his form of resistance, it was his way of continuing to shout what was taken from his parents: his home.

“Writing and drawing is a form of resistance because words can hit more than a bullet, but also using guns when there is a struggle is a way of resistance. We can't conduct negotiation because this has to be from the same side and we are not in an equal situation”
With tears in her eyes, Asma tells the story of her family. He still remembers when his father told him that after the Nakba he saw his land again. The center of the whole story that happens in the book about Yafa, is about my father. My father returned to Yafa in 1989 and returned in 2002 as a visitor. When he returns to his land to his country, he does not find his house, it was destroyed. When he goes as a visitor to Yafa or he was walking in the streets, he saw his friends with whom he lived in Yafa, after 54 years, they returned to Yafa and saw all the friends. He felt weird, they started crying, it was a very emotional moment.
Since 1977, on or around November 29 of each year, the United Nations commemorates the International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People. That same year 1947 the General Assembly of the United Nations approved resolution 181, which is known as the “partition resolution”. Since this resolution was proclaimed, only one state has been legally created: the state of Israel. That is why November 29 is such an important day, as it provides an opportunity for the international community to focus its attention on the fact that the question of Palestine remains unresolved.
In 2017, after a survey carried out by the Palestinian Center for Policy And Survery Research, only 23% think that non-violence is the best means to achieve an independent State of Palestine.
“Mother of a Stranger”, the second book of Asmaa, is so called because Yaffa has always been a port city. It opened its doors to sailors and merchants. Everyone came to work, to visit… The people of Yafa are very familiar. Its port was always full and it was a very lively city. He welcomed all foreigners with great hospitality. They all felt at home.
That is why when I decided to talk to experts about Yafa, one of them told me “ahh Yafa, the mother of foreigners, (in arab: Yafa am gharib) always welcomed everyone with hospitality, that is why she is called that” Yafa represents the original land of the Palestinians, it represents the true Palestinian identity. When she returns after visiting her real home in Yafa, she feels that this is her real home. Asma now lives in Ramallah, but she doesn't feel the same anymore, she realizes that her real home is in Yafa. That is why I always try not to forget the streets of Yafa and its history. “I will never leave Yafa” “Palestine map it’s like a cheese and all people make one piece”.
the correct is that the occupation actually attacked and fight against the art and artists . the occupation targeted the art and artist as other kind of palestinians means of struggle. they arrested many of Artists and confiscated their work and they attacked the many art exhibitions ...etc.

Writers : Belen López, Sandra Martínez and Judith E. Castaneda

Israel's Supreme Court today offered Palestinian residents of the occupied Sheikh Jarrah neighbourhood 'protected residence' status, saying that if they pay rent to the settler organization which claims the land on which their homes are built, their properties will not be demolished. The families have rejected the proposition, objecting to Nahalat Shimon's claims of ownership and subsequent plans for their forcible eviction, Ir Amim reported.

The hearing took place before a panel of three judges – Yitzhak Amit, Noam Sohlberg and Daphne Barak-Erez, who were ruling on a leave to appeal request submitted by the El-Kurd, Jaouni, Abu Hasna, and Askafi families who are facing eviction from their homes in Sheikh Jarrah by the Nahalat Shimon settler company.

Israel to evict 400 Palestinians from Jerusalem's Sheikh Jarrah - Cartoon [Sabaaneh/MiddleEastMonitor]

Israel to evict 400 Palestinians from Jerusalem's Sheikh Jarrah – Cartoon [Sabaaneh/MiddleEastMonitor]

Both sides subsequently presented arguments, and the hearing concluded without the handing down of a court ruling. The justices are expected to issue a decision within the coming days concerning the continuation of proceedings. According to one of the attorneys representing the families, an additional hearing on the matter will likely be scheduled.  Originally slated for early May, the hearing was deferred until now to allow for the Attorney General to weigh his intervention in the case, which he ultimately declined.

The court's decision, in this case, will likely impact the additional families from the Kerem Al-Jaouni section of Sheikh Jarrah facing eviction lawsuits filed by Nahalat Shimon, including the case of the Dajani, Daoudi, and Hammad families, likewise pending at the Supreme Court.

On 28 July, the attorney representing the three aforementioned families submitted a request to postpone their eviction date set for yesterday.

In response, the Supreme Court issued a temporary injunction, provisionally freezing their eviction and asking the settler group to respond by 8 August. While the three families have likewise filed a leave to appeal request to the Supreme Court, neither a hearing has been scheduled, nor a decision rendered.

Currently, there are open eviction lawsuits against a total of approximately 50-60 families in Sheikh Jarrah (30 families – Kerem Al-Jaouni section and 20-30 families – Um Haroun section), which are at various stages of legal proceedings.

Many more families are at risk of receiving eviction demands due to land registration procedures the Israeli authorities underhandedly began in occupied East Jerusalem in 2020 for the first time since 1967.

"Without the public's knowledge, the authorities have been discreetly registering land rights of properties in Um Haroun to alleged Jewish owners. Such a move is unprecedented and has potential acute ramifications on Palestinian properties not only in Sheikh Jarrah but across East Jerusalem," Israeli rights group Ir Amim said on its website, "which could ultimately lead to widespread Palestinian dispossession in the city and expansion of Jewish settlement."

Source : https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20210802-israel-court-calls-on-sheikh-jarrah-residents-to-pay-rent-to-settlers/?mc_cid=d450776b6e&mc_eid=f0374718c6&utm_source=Palestine%20Updates&utm_campaign=854aac0b36-EMAIL_CAMPAIGN_6_22_2018_18_52_COPY_01&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_002b0f7bf9-854aac0b36-30376749&fbclid=IwAR3MnXmK7eNua4n8Yn674q7I0q_grynUFJfVTg6kHqD1wPCcecZJPMOwyTg

To the east of the town of Al-Azariya, i.e. east of the city of
Jerusalem, is the Palestinian community known as Jabal Al-Baba
(Moutain Albaba). It is inhabited by about 400 Palestinian citizens who
were originally displaced during the Nakba in 1948 from the Negev
region in southern Palestine. Over the decades, they built their village
on their new lands. They depended for their lives and livelihood on
animal husbandry and agriculture. Since that date, the community has
become part of the town of Al-Aizariyya, and they have built social,
economic and cultural relations with the town and with Jerusalem,
which is the administrative center of this community and other
communities to the east of Jerusalem. About 45 communities are
similar to the Jabal al-Baba community, and this administrative
relationship with the city of Jerusalem remained until the occupation of
the rest of Palestine in 1967. At that time, the Israeli authorities
annexed the city of Jerusalem and gave its residents an Israeli identity
card that differs from the cards that were given to these communities
as the rest of the residents of the West Bank.

From there began the process of separating these communities,
as well as dozens of other villages that were administratively affiliated
to the city of Jerusalem, and these areas became administratively
considered as belonging to Bethlehem 20 km to the south. With the
start of settlement operations in the areas of Jerusalem and the West
Bank in general, and the expansion of the Jerusalem municipality’s
borders, what was known as the Greater Jerusalem Project, an
organized and systematic policy of displacement by the occupation
authorities began for most of the communities located to the east of
the city of Jerusalem. Perhaps the largest settlement project in the area
is the settlement of Maale Adumim, which is close to these
communities. This settlement was established in the seventies of the
last century on the ruins of the village of Jahalin, whose residents were
all displaced to the west near Al-Aizariyya.
With the increase in settlement expansion and the construction of
other settlements and the construction of the infrastructure for these
settlement projects, including streets, electricity and water networks,
gardens, forests, playgrounds, and places of entertainment for settlers,
pressure has increased on these communities to displace them through
the policy of home demolitions and restrictions on movement and
preventing residents from using agricultural lands after confiscating
them for the benefit of the settlements.
Jabal al-Baba was directly exposed to this policy when the
residents of the community were handed orders for mass deportation
and orders to demolish their homes in 2017. At that time, the residents
of the community submitted objections to these orders to the Israeli
judiciary. But since that time many homes and the village mosque have
been demolished, and the only road leading to it has been destroyed.

This forced the residents to walk a distance of 500 meters to reach their
homes or to go anywhere else.
In light of these Israeli measures, the popular resistance
movements, along with many international solidarity groups and some
Jewish forces and individuals in support of peace, began to confront
these Israeli policies through demonstrations, media campaigns, and
presence on the site to counter the demolition campaigns and
incursions carried out from time to time by the Israeli occupation
The process of displacing this community and it seems that with
all the Israeli political indicators, the policy of demolishing homes and
the restrictions that are constantly imposed on the residents of the
community, the process of displacement is close. Especially since a
mass expulsion took place twenty years ago to the village of Jahalin
near Jabal al-Baba, if it happened, we would be facing a second
displacement of these residents. This will create a problem of
overcrowding in the nearby town of Al-Aizariyya and many life and
humanitarian problems in the area east of Jerusalem. It will also open a
wider field for the expansion of settlements and the construction of
new settlements within the framework of the Greater Jerusalem
project, which is implemented by the Israeli authorities by imposing it
as a fact on the ground.
Citizen Ghassan Jahalin from the village said, "Our lives have
become fraught with dangers and fear of a new displacement, and we
are now in the jaws of the apartheid wall around Jerusalem which
borders our village and the nearby settlements especially the
settlement of Ma'ale Adumim. It is the second displacement for us after

our first displacement from our land in the Negev region." Southern
Palestine in 1948. The Israeli Information Center for Human Rights -
B'Tselem - confirmed, in its commentary on what is happening to the
Jabal al-Baba gathering, "The occupying state is completely deporting
Palestinian communities through the bogus procedures that they call
legal procedures, which are in fact fictitious."
Everything that Israel does by deporting and ordering the
demolition of dozens of communities in the area and Jabal al-Baba is
one of them east of Jerusalem, is a violation of international law. It is
also a violation of dozens of resolutions issued by the Security Council
and the General Assembly of the United Nations, all of which it
considers illegitimate and void. As the occupying power is prohibited
from making any fundamental changes in the occupied territories, and
East Jerusalem, according to international law, is occupied territory as
is the rest of the West Bank after the 1967 war.
Ahmad Jaradat – Alternative Information Center- Palestine
The Palestinian people have not only been fragmented by Israel, but also by its own corrupted leadership. It is up to the grassroots to correct the capitulation of Oslo.

The Palestinian people’s integrity derives exactly from the strength of their position vis-a-vis the actual political state of things. Within this context, it becomes crucially important to listen to critical South African warnings which provide important lessons for Palestine from South Africa. The current unrest and popular dissatisfaction across South Africa are warnings for all of us here in Palestine that unprincipled compromises on the socioeconomic rights of historically disenfranchised communities should never be part of our liberation agenda. 

In fact, the leadership of the Palestinian national movement, like the ANC leadership, has already betrayed its own principles. We have reached a time where we can argue that Israel has intellectually and morally lost the battle. We, Palestinians, like Black South Africans before us, have proven to be the ones at the forefront of the fight for universal justice. However, by the end of the second decade and the beginning of the third one of the millennium, a spirit of dictatorship and tyranny has pervaded the soul of Palestinian nationalism as defined and controlled by the Right. 

It takes only a look at its failures to see that Palestinian nationalism, as defined by the Right in cahoots with the Stalinist Left, is coming to an end. And I am saying this from a deep sense of commitment to the Palestinian cause, but also from a self-critical viewpoint. The achievements of Palestinian nationalism have been made and now is the winter of its decline, its promises of liberation and return undelivered. 

Palestine today is more divided than ever between the overwhelming majority who are abused by the “peace industry” and the very few who are its beneficiaries.

The Palestinian Right has managed to fragment the Palestinian frame of collective identity by reducing the Palestinian people to only those who live in the 1967 occupied territories – Palestinian refugees (the source of the Palestinian cause) are ignored, as are those who live as third-class citizens of apartheid Israel. Palestinian nationalism seems to have taken a vacation from critical resistance! Critical activists and intellectuals, therefore, have to deal with the historical burden of correcting the capitulating thrust of Oslo pseudo-intellectual life.

To add insult to injury – and further fragmenting the already fragmented components of the Palestinian people – Palestine’s class character (disguised in a nationalist discourse) has lately revealed itself in a resentment toward the Palestinians of Gaza who are perceived as either Hamas supporters and members, or unwanted dissident voices, and who therefore constitute a serious threat to the so-called “National project.” Palestine today is more divided than ever between the overwhelming majority who are abused by the “peace industry” and the very few who are its beneficiaries.

But as Antonio Gramsci says: “the crisis consists precisely in the fact that the old is dying and the new cannot be born: in this interregnum a great variety of morbid symptoms appear.” And one of these symptoms is the vociferous call for alternative programs, including the call for the establishment of a secular-democratic state between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean – a call to move away from Bantustanization and separatism. 

Many, including some of those who were at the forefront of the fight for a Palestinian State on the 1967 borders, have come to the realization that the racist two-state solution has always been used to justify further Palestinian capitulation. Throughout history, Palestine has always had a multicultural character; that can only be restored in one Democratic state that represents the collective will of all its people: Jews, Christians, Muslims, and others. Again, and learning from the mistakes of South Africa, that should not be at the expense of the basic socio-economic rights of all those disenfranchised, especially refugees living in miserable camps across the region and in the diaspora. 

Auther: Haidar Eid

Haidar Eid is Associate Professor of Postcolonial and Postmodern Literature at Gaza's al-Aqsa University. He has written widely on the Arab-Israeli conflict, including articles published at Znet, Electronic Intifada, Palestine Chronicle, and Open Democracy. He has published papers on cultural Studies and literature in a number of journals, including Nebula, Journal of American Studies in Turkey, Cultural Logic, and the Journal of Comparative Literature.


It may seem to many that the Greater Jerusalem project is recent, but the
truth is that it is a project that began immediately after the occupation of the city
in 1967. In essence, it is the expansion of the Jerusalem municipal boundaries of
the Israeli authorities, and more pressure on the Palestinians by all means to
emigrate or leave the city, and in return bring more settlers to occupied
Jerusalem. This requires building settlements to accommodate them.
The Greater Jerusalem project, in addition to the above, is to make the
Palestinians a minority and the settlers a majority. Accordingly, all Israeli policies
in Jerusalem that are hostile to the Palestinians, including displacement and
demolition of homes, restrictions on their daily lives through economic and social
restrictions, isolating the city from its surroundings in the occupied lands, building
barriers and crossings on the city, restrictions on construction, urban expansion,
restrictions on education, etc. And prior to that, the annexation of Jerusalem
immediately after the occupation, and the giving of an Israeli blue identity to the
Palestinian residents of Jerusalem in a distinction between them and the
Palestinians in the occupied territories. All of these policies serve the Greater
Jerusalem project.

To implement this plan, the beginning was the dissolution of the Arab
Municipal Council in the city and the annexation of the occupied area of ​​the city
to East Jerusalem to be under the sovereignty of the Israeli municipality of
Jerusalem. The city was also annexed after its occupation in 1967, and some
neighborhoods were demolished in the Old City and settlement outposts were
established in their place, as is the case with what happened to the Al-Magherba
neighborhood. The decision was taken to expand the borders of the Jerusalem
municipality by an area of ​​172 km2, and to establish what is known as settlement
and security belts around Jerusalem and around the surrounding mountains; the
northern belt near Qalandia, the eastern belt and the southern belt near
Bethlehem. Eighteen settlements have been established within these belts,
perhaps the most famous of which are the settlement of Ma'ale Adumim in the
east and near the town of Al-Eizariya, and Gillo in the south, near the town of Beit
Jala, west of Bethlehem, and the settlement of Psagot and Givat Ziv in the north.
This plan of expanding the municipality’s borders and establishing these security
and settlement belts was known as (the expansion plan), and 200,000 dunams
(dunam is 1000 squar meter)were confiscated for this plan, which continues to
develop until today.
The settlement plan known as (E-One) aims to annex eastern settlements
to the city of Jerusalem and confiscate large areas, especially in the Al-Khan Al-
Ahmar area east of Al-Eizariyya and Abu Diss towns. Expanding the existing
settlements and building a huge infrastructure of streets, electricity and water
networks, and displace many Palestinian communities in the area. This project is
one of the features and provisions of the Greater Jerusalem Project.
The Greater Jerusalem project, in addition to the aforementioned, poses a
threat to the rest of the West Bank. The north of the West Bank is separated from
its south, and travel movement is restricted through limited roads that are under
the control of the occupation forces, closing them whenever they want and
opening them whenever they want, as has been the case for fifteen years. There
is only one crossing that connects the north of the West Bank with its south,
known as the Container Crossing, to the southeast of Al-Eizariyya. Which became
the only crossing and way for Palestinians in the West Bank after Jerusalem was
closed and Palestinians were prevented from commuting through the city of
Jerusalem as they used to in the past, even during the occupation.
The Greater Jerusalem project, in addition to its direct effects on the
Palestinians and the Palestinian presence in the city and its suburbs, is also a
major obstacle for the Palestinian people’s implementation of their national rights
to establish their independent state in the occupied territories. It prevents
geographical contiguity between the territories of the Palestinian state if the two-
state solution is achieved. The Palestinians are deprived of the right of
sovereignty over 10% of the occupied lands, which is the area formed by the
Greater Jerusalem Plan, and the expansion of the municipal boundaries to include
this area. This settlement project in and around Jerusalem undermines the
possibility of any peace, and keeps the conflict situation present and continuing.
It also leads to the isolation of Jerusalem and its Palestinian residents from
their Palestinian surroundings and depth, which leaves difficult effects on their
lives because it leads to the fragmentation of their social structure, by isolating
families and relatives from each other, and thus it is a racist policy that
Palestinians are exposed to. It will also lead to the administrative isolation of
many villages and towns historically attached to Jerusalem, as is the case with
villages such as Al-Jib, Qalandia in the north, Al-Azariyya, Abu Diss, Hizma and
Anata in the east, and the villages of Al-Walaja, Al-Khass, and Al-Numan in the
south. It is a geographical fragmentation of the occupied land and a geographical
division of its inhabitants in these areas.
The Israeli authorities continue to say that the project is in a state of legal
and political debate, where in fact it has been implemented by imposing reality
and facts on the ground regarding what is happening in and around Jerusalem.
Perhaps the most prominent of these policies is the closure of Jerusalem and its
isolation from other areas of the West Bank after expanding its municipal borders
in all directions and building huge settlement belts around it. And all the policies
followed in the city and its surroundings.

The Greater Jerusalem project and all that is taking place in it, including
annexation, isolation, house demolitions, displacement, building settlements,
confiscation of land...etc are illegal according to international law and human
rights laws. It is a great violation of these covenants, East Jerusalem and its
surroundings are occupied lands. The occupation authorities are prohibited from
building settlements and bringing settlers there, and it is prohibited to annex
them to be under the sovereignty of the occupation. The decisions made by the
Knesset (the Israeli Parliament) less than a month after the occupation of the
West Bank and East Jerusalem in 1967, the decisions to apply Israeli law to
Jerusalem, to expand the municipal boundaries, to guarantee and integrate new
areas of Jerusalem in all directions, and to dissolve the Arab Municipal Council in
it are illegal decisions that were rejected by the United Nations. Dozens of
resolutions have been issued by the United Nations General Assembly stressing
that East Jerusalem is an occupied territory, and its legal status remains in place
despite all illegal Israeli measures and policies in accordance with international
Perhaps the UN Security Council Resolution 298 issued in 1971 is the
strongest among dozens of international resolutions. “The Security Council
expresses its dissatisfaction with Israel's failure to respect previous resolutions
adopted by the United Nations regarding measures taken by Israel aimed at
changing the status of the city of Jerusalem. All legislative and administrative
measures taken by Israel to change the status of the city of Jerusalem, including
the confiscation of land and property, the transfer of residents, and legislation
aimed at annexing the occupied sector, are completely null and cannot change
the situation."
Ahmad Jaradat –Alternative Information Center - Palestine

Eric Reguly
European bureau chief, globeandmail.com

Palestinian protesters chant slogans as they gather in the city of Ramallah in the occupied West Bank, on June 26, 2021, during a demonstration against the death of human rights activist Nizar Banat while in the custody of Palestinian Authority (PA) security forces earlier in the week. - Thousands of mourners attended on June 25 the funeral of the 43-year-old Banat, a day after he died in custody following his violent arrest by Palestinian security forces, which sparked outrage in the occupied West Bank. He was known for social media videos denouncing alleged corruption within the PA. 

Nabil El-Kurd is no political hothead or social media expert. He’s an elderly, retired Palestinian. But he knows that the Palestinian protest movement in the Levant has fundamentally changed in the past year, especially in the past few months, and he is thrilled by what he sees. “All of the youth of Jerusalem, Gaza, the West Bank – I am so proud of them,” he said in an interview in mid-June in front of his house in Sheikh Jarrah, the predominantly Palestinian neighbourhood in East Jerusalem experiencing an influx of Jewish settlers. “What they are doing we haven’t seen in 70 years.” Mr. El-Kurd, 77, has a front-row seat to the new dynamic, which some political observers have called a broad-based “youth uprising” or “blossoming” – one with the potential to turn into another Arab Spring, they say. He is the father of Muna and Mohammed El-Kurd, the 23-year-old twins who have emerged as protest leaders and social media phenomena among Palestinians – not just in Jerusalem but across the occupied and blockaded territories and among the diaspora. Muna, a journalist, has 1.6 million Instagram followers; Mohammed, a poet, has 760,000, as well as 222,000 on Twitter.

They use social media to broadcast examples of the “Jewish colonialism” they say is making their lives miserable and robbing them of a secure future. The El-Kurd home is under an eviction order, with Jewish settlers claiming historic rights to parts of Sheikh Jarrah, as they are doing in nearby Silwan, another largely Palestinian area near the Old City of Jerusalem. The accounts of Palestinians fighting to keep their homes have gone global. Both twins were arrested by Israeli police on June 6 for allegedly participating in a riot, triggering international media coverage. They were released hours later, short-circuiting a potential new round of mass demonstrations in Sheikh Jarrah, Silwan, the West Bank and Gaza.

“The new unity among Palestinians shows that the protest movement is not just young men throwing stones,” said Gwyn Lewis, the director in the West Bank of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA). “It’s a solidarity movement, and lots of young people are involved. They are channeling that energy into a political process that is echoing across the world.” But young Palestinians are united not just in their resistance to the occupation and the expansion of Jewish settlements – which are illegal under international law – but their rejection of the Palestinian leadership as well. They say that Mahmoud Abbas – the 85-year-old President of the Palestinian National Authority (known as the PA) and chairman of the Palestinian Liberation Organization – the institutions around him and his cronies are sclerotic, inattentive to their political needs and undemocratic. Apparently fearing that he and his Fatah party would lose the first presidential and legislative elections in 15 years, Mr. Abbas simply postponed them and declined to set new dates (officially, he justified the postponement by citing Israel’s silence when asked to allow the elections to be held in occupied East Jerusalem).

Young Palestinians say the old men who run the show are obsessed with their own livelihoods, not those of younger generations looking for a new path and a relationship with the Israelis who control many aspects of their lives. “The Palestinian resistance is not just against Israel, it’s against the Palestinian power structures,” said Fadi Quran, 33, a Palestinian community organizer and campaign director at Avaaz, the global online activist network. Their anger towards the PA intensified on Thursday, when Nizar Banat, an outspoken critic of the PA, died after he was arrested in his home by Palestinian security forces. Mr. Banat’s family said he was severely beaten before being taken to the hospital, where he was pronounced dead.

The Palestinians’ fight is not so much devoted to pursuing a one-state or two-state solution – concepts that obsess their parents and grandparents – but equality, justice and liberty regardless of the future status of a sovereign Palestinian homeland – or lack thereof. “We don’t care what it looks like as long as we are free,” Mr. Quran said. Palestinians in the West Bank, Gaza and Israel (where 21 per cent of the citizens are Arabs, with representation in the Knesset, the Israeli parliament) displayed almost no unity in recent decades. The three populations were physically separated, and a power struggle in 2006 and 2007 between Fatah and Hamas, the political and military power in Gaza that Israel, the United States and Canada consider a terror organization, led to a rupture between the two groups that has yet to heal.

While the leaders of Fatah and Hamas continued to squabble, young Palestinians throughout the region began to come together. Some were drawn to Hamas, which broadened its appeal by depicting itself as the protector of Jerusalem. It fired volleys of rockets into Israel on May 10, when clashes between Israeli police and Palestinians on the Temple Mount turned explosive. The ensuing 11-day war killed 263 Palestinians, mostly in Gaza, and 13 people in Israel. The war further unified the Palestinians, though they were already finding common cause by protesting the accelerated eviction attempts in Sheikh Jarrah and Silwan.

“The Gaza war was a grand awakening for us,” said Salem Barahmeh, the executive director in Ramallah, the West Bank’s commercial centre, of the Palestine Institute for Public Diplomacy and leader of the Generation for Democratic Renewal, a movement that aims to teach democratic values and principles to disenfranchised Palestinian youth by holding virtual elections. “Something clicked. We saw that we are one people united by the segregation imposed upon us by the Israelis.”

Young Palestinians say their new sense of unity is partly motivated by the realization that the PA cannot protect them or give them a voice (the PA declined a request for an interview). Palestinians who are well into their 30s have never had the opportunity to cast a ballot. The lack of elections, the age restrictions – a candidate must be no younger than 28 to join an electoral list – and the cost of running in an election in a generally poor society has led many young Palestinians to seek a different route to political power. That route seems to centre on promoting unity among Palestinians no matter where they live, combined with a robust protest movement propelled by savvy social media campaigns. The El-Kurd twins in Sheikh Jarrah appear to have refined this formula. An early May video in which Muna demanded that a settler leave her family’s property went viral and helped trigger mass anti-eviction demonstrations. “You are stealing my house,” Muna told the settler, to which he replied, “If I go, you don’t go back … If I don’t steal it; someone else is going to steal it.”

Raya Ziadeh, a feminist political activist who lives in Ramallah, said the social media-fuelled protest movement of the young is, in her view, already producing results and generating international sympathy. She believes it helped limit the Hamas-Israel war to 11 days – the highly destructive 2014 war lasted seven weeks – and postponed both the court-ordered evictions and a march through East Jerusalem by Israeli ultranationalists (a scaled-down march went ahead on June 15, and the court proceedings are to resume shortly).

“For the first time, we can see that we have political power,” she said. “The Palestinians started to lose hope that the Palestinian government would protect them. The alternative for us is to become more powerful than the [Palestinian] government itself. I think something very important is happening. We can change what is happening on the ground.”

Source:  https://www.theglobeandmail.com/world/article-fervent-new-palestinian-youth-rebellion-is-aimed-at-both-israel-and/?utm_source=Palestine+Updates&utm_campaign=9586e20537-EMAIL_CAMPAIGN_6_22_2018_18_52_COPY_01&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_002b0f7bf9-9586e20537-30376749

The settlement project known as (E-One) is an Israeli plan that
aims to link Jerusalem with the settlements located east and east of
north Jerusalem. This project means the control of the West Bank
lands, which, according to international laws and United Nations
resolutions, are considered occupied areas and it is not permissible to
bring about any changes with far-reaching implications. It is also not
permissible to transfer the citizens of the occupying country to the
occupied territories or to build settlements there.
The project, according to the Israeli plan, practically means
confiscating tens of thousands of dunams of areas in East Jerusalem.
Then building settlements in them and expanding the existing ones. It
also includes the construction of an infrastructure for settlements,
including streets, water and electricity networks, a large cemetery that
controls thousands of dunams, 10 hotels, and 4,000 industrial units.
In practice, this means controlling most of the lands owned by the
Palestinians, especially from the villages and towns located east of
Jerusalem, such as Al-Eizariya, Abu Dis, Hizma, Al-Tur, Anata. The most
dangerous thing is that these villages with this settlement belt are
isolated from their surroundings in the West Bank. They are currently
isolated by the wall from the city of Jerusalem to which these villages
and towns belong. As stated by Ghassan Daghlas, the official in charge
of the settlement file in the northern West Bank, “This is considered the
most dangerous in the settlement projects in the West Bank. In
addition to isolating and besieging these villages and confiscating their
lands, it will also lead to the dismemberment of the West Bank, north
and south.”

This project will lead to the displacement of 18 Palestinian
communities in the area, comprising three thousand citizens. They all
depend for their lives on agriculture, herding and raising animals. This
will lead to their transformation into refugees and displaced persons
and their relocation to other areas that do not fit the Bedouin lifestyle
based on agriculture and animal husbandry.
Atallah al-Jahalin, coordinator of the Popular Resistance
Committees in the assembly, said, "The deportation of the residents of
Jabal al-Baba is the beginning of the deportation of all communities in
East Jerusalem. It is an evacuation, demolition, and relocation for the
benefit of the largest and most dangerous settlement project in the
West Bank, known as E-ONE. It aims to link Jerusalem with the existing
settlements. East of the city, including Maale Adumim, near Jabal al-
Baba population.
It is true that the project is subject to widespread criticism and
condemnation in the international community, the United Nations, and
many European countries. However, the occupation authorities have
practically started implementing it on the ground for a long time,
gradually by building thousands of settlement units, and building the
infrastructure for this project, including electricity, water, and streets,
etc, and the confiscation of Palestinian lands in the region.
Al-Ezariya town may be among the Palestinian towns east
Jerusalem most affected and suffering as a result of this project as it

will lead to the displacement of many nearby communities that belong
to the town, which means more overcrowding and confiscation of the
town’s lands. Perhaps the clearest example in this regard is the
Palestinian community known as (Jabal al-Baba) in the east of the town,
which includes 57 families consisting of 320 citizens. In recent years,
this site has been subjected to demolition of 30 homes. At the end of
last year, everyone was given notices to vacate their house in order to
demolish it.
Al-Eizariya municipality sources added that this project will cause
great harm to the town, as lands are confiscated in the eastern region,
which means a reduction in the area of land and preventing the urban
and population development of the town. It will also lead to an
exacerbation of the overcrowding of the town, and the most dangerous
is its isolation from its surroundings and besieging it with existing and
emerging settlements and settlement streets . And cut off
communication between it and the rest of the areas in the West Bank.
It will simply lead to the creation of ghettos for it and for the rest of the
villages in the area.
Ultimately, it is part of the settlement project in the West Bank
which aims to control the land, build settlements, and settlement
industrial zones in the vicinity of Jerusalem. Attracting more settlers
and imposing deportation and displacement on the Palestinians in the
vicinity of Jerusalem in favor of implementing the largest project known
as (Greater Jerusalem). Which will lead to the separation of the north of
the West Bank from its south. Politically, it means preventing the
possibility of a two-state solution.
Written by Ahmad Jaradat – Alternative Information Center – Palestine

Tel Aviv /PNN/

In a damning indictment of Israel’s genocidal policies in the occupied West Bank, two former Israeli envoys have termed the regime’s occupation as “apartheid,” drawing parallels with pre-1994 South Africa where racial segregation was legalized.

In an article published in a South African news website, former ambassadors Ilan Baruch and Alon Liel said the situation between Palestine and the Israeli regime was one of “inherent inequality.”

“For over half a century, Israel has ruled over the occupied Palestinian territories with a two-tiered legal system, in which, within the same tract of land in the West Bank, Israeli settlers live under Israeli civil law while Palestinians live under military law,” they wrote in a joint Op-Ed.

The former ambassadors said the Israeli regime has “worked to change both the geography and the demography” of the West Bank through the construction of illegal settlements.

“This has happened alongside the expropriation and takeover of massive amounts of Palestinian land, including Palestinian home evictions and demolitions. That is, settlements are built and expanded at the expense of Palestinian communities, which are forced onto smaller and smaller tracts of land,” they noted in the scathing article.

Referring to the then-minister of military affairs of the Israeli regime, Ariel Sharon, to South Africa in the early 1980s, when Sharon had “expressed great interest” in South Africa’s Bantustan project, the duo write that the map of West Bank “leaves little doubt regarding where Sharon received his inspiration.”

Illegal settlements

Pointing to illegal Israeli settlements in the occupied West Bank, the duo emphasized that the regime in Tel Aviv was inspired by South Africa’s Bantustan project, which was a product of racial and class discrimination propounded by the white with contempt against the black.

“The West Bank today consists of 165 ‘enclaves’ – that is, Palestinian communities encircled by territory taken over by the settlement enterprise.”

The Bantustans of South Africa under the apartheid regime and the map of the occupied Palestinian territories today, they emphasized, are based on the same idea of “concentrating the ‘undesirable’ population in as small an area as possible, in a series of non-contiguous enclaves.”

“By gradually driving these populations from their land and concentrating them into dense and fractured pockets, both South Africa then and Israel today worked to thwart political autonomy and true democracy,” wrote the former envoys.

‘Wake up, world’

Baruch and Liel argued that their time in post-apartheid South Africa had led them to learn firsthand about the “reality of apartheid and the horrors it inflicted,” calling on the world to stand up for Palestine as they did against apartheid in South Africa in the 1990s.

“It is time for the world to recognize that what we saw in South Africa decades ago is happening in the occupied Palestinian territories too,” they wrote.

“It is time for the world to take decisive diplomatic action in our case as well and work towards building a future of equality, dignity, and security for Palestinians and Israelis alike,” they hastened to add.

They also warn that the Israeli occupation was not temporary and that the Israeli regime had “no political will to end it.”

Liel, the Israeli regime’s envoy to South Africa during the transition from apartheid from 1992 to 1994, also served as the director-general of the regime’s foreign ministry between 2000 and 2001.

Baruch served as the ambassador to South Africa from 2005 to 2008. He also served as an envoy to Namibia, Botswana, and Zimbabwe.

The damning article comes amidst the unfolding political drama in Israel with opposition political figures clubbing together to oust the sitting Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

Netanyahu has been under fire at home after the Palestinian resistance movement Hamas inflicted a crushing defeat on the regime during the recent 11-day war on the besieged Gaza Strip.


The town of Al-Ezariya is located to the east of the city of Jerusalem, and it
is only 3 km away from the city center. It has a population of 35,000 people, and it
is adjacent to the city of Jerusalem and was historically part of the city. After the
occupation of the city and the West Bank in 1967 and the annexation of
Jerusalem by the occupation authorities, the town was separated from the city
and became affiliated to the Bethlehem Governorate, which is about 20 km away.
Al-Ezariya town is the status of a first-class municipality according to the
classification of the Palestinian National Authority due to its large population.
The citizen Ibrahim Mahmoud from the town says, “In the past, we used to
walk to Jerusalem, and it is very close. We take our agricultural products and sell
them in the city of Jerusalem, and buy what we need. The town is administratively
located in the Bethlehem governorate, which is about 20 km away, and we have
to cross the Knutiner barrier that separates the north of the West Bank from its
south, and this has increased our suffering in effort and costs.”
With the construction of the separation wall around Jerusalem, the town
was completely separated from Jerusalem, and citizens were no longer able to
enter Jerusalem except with a permit from the Israeli Civil Administration, as is
the case with the rest of the 3 million residents of the West Bank.
The peculiarity of Al-Ezariya is that throughout history it was part of the city
of Jerusalem, as it has special relations with the city on the economic, social and
life levels etc. With this racial isolation, the town is facing great suffering that
casts a shadow over all aspects of life. Citizen Laila Saeed says, "Throughout
history, relations have developed between the residents of our town of Al-Eizariya
and Jerusalem, and this was accompanied by many cases of intermarriage. The
separation of the town from Jerusalem, communication between families was cut
off, which means suffering, there are many families, part of which became in
Jerusalem and the rest in Al-Azariya, this social separation causes suffering in the
ability to communicate. This is an unbearable situation and there is nothing like it
in any country in the world. I cannot visit my sister who is only meters away from
my house because of the separation wall and the separation procedures.”
To the east and adjacent to the town, the extensive settlement project
began with the construction of Ma’ale Adumim settlement in the early 1980s, and
with time, this settlement expanded with other settlements such as Kedar 1 and
Kedar 2, to form a separation and besieging barrier for the town. Confiscating
most of the town’s land in favor of the settlement project and the settlements’
infrastructure through a network of roads and the water and electricity networks
that come with the settlements, which tightened the siege of the town with the
wall and the settlements.
Confiscation of land, reducing the town’s lands, and considering a large part
of it as Area C, in which Palestinians are prohibited from building, led to a state of
great overcrowding in the town. The administrative area of ​​the town before the
occupation in 1967 was about 12 thousand dunams (a dunam is a thousand
square meters). With the confiscation of lands for the benefit of settlement, the
area of ​​the town was reduced to only 3,000 dunams. This means significant
overcrowding in the reality of population growth in the town. In an interview with
Khalil Salem from the town, he said, "It is clear from these confiscations and the
expansion of settlements that the goal behind this is to displace people after
making their lives difficult through the restrictions imposed by the occupation
authorities on citizens to confiscate their land, build settlements, and prevent
urban expansion in the town." This racist policy is practiced by the occupation
authorities in most areas of the West Bank and Jerusalem, and it creates a difficult
life reality in favor of pressure on citizens to emigrate. This policy is more evident
in the city of Jerusalem and its suburbs, as is the case in the town of Al-Eizariya,
the idea followed by the occupation authorities is more settlements and settlers
and few Palestinians.


As part of the restrictions on the town, the occupation authorities followed
a policy of demolishing homes and displacing the communities surrounding the
town, such as the village of Jahalin and the Jabal al-Baba community to the east of
the town. This increased the overcrowding and confiscation of lands, and on the
other hand, the confiscation of lands and the construction and expansion of
settlements, as is the case in the settlement of Ma'ale Adumim, located east of
the town. Hundreds of homes have been demolished at various stages in recent
decades and thousands of citizens have been displaced from their lands. The town
was besieged by these settlements and settlement roads that are adjacent to the
homes of citizens, which means a restriction on the movement of development,
construction and expansion in the town, and the effects of this siege on their daily
lives by restricting movement and isolating them from the rest of the West Bank.
The displacement and demolition of homes in the communities of the town
of Al-Eizariya, has led to hundreds of families losing their source of livelihood,
which depends mainly on agriculture and animal husbandry, which led to the
increase of unemployment for thousands of citizens.
What is happening in the town of Al-Ezariya is not unique, as many towns
and villages surrounding Jerusalem are subjected to the same policy by the
occupation authorities, which aims to separate and isolate Palestinian
communities from the city of Jerusalem in order to reduce the Palestinian
presence in favor of the settlement demographic density in the city to make the
settlers a majority and the Palestinians a minority. These racist measures violate
the rules of international humanitarian law and all international conventions, and
violate the rules and norms of human rights.
Written by Ahmad Jaradat – Alternative Information Center – Palestine

By Nassar Ibrahim

In connection with the criminal assassination of the martyr Nizar Banat, and so that his sacrifice is not in vain, we must address the following question: What is the doctrine of the Palestinian security services? What are its sources and foundations? And how can it break from its deeply dysfunctional, current role?

23 September 2021

The Little Escape

Michel (Mikado) Warschawski*

We all have a certain sympathy for escapes, although in most cases they end badly; be it escapes from prisons or internment camps, whether as individual initiatives or collective action."The great escape", the "cow and the prisoner", of the penal colony of Guyana. Whatever crime the escapee may or may not have committed, we want him to succeed.

Palestinian refugees - The International Day Of Refugees, 20/06/2021

Fires and Colonialism
29 August 2021

A few weeks ago I drove to see my grandchildren in Tel Aviv. The route that connects Jerusalem to the coastal plain is called "the corridor", a remnant of the era when this was a narrow route surrounded by Jordan territory. With Israel's occupation of the West Bank in 1967 there was no corridor anymore.

بازار المزروعات والمنتجات الوطنية - دعوة عامة
ضمن فعاليات اسبوع الاقتصاد الوطني الفلسطيني وذلك يوم الأثنين الموافق 14-6-2021 من الساعة 11:00 صباحاً ولغاية الساعة 5:00 عصراً في ساحة مؤسسة ابداع - مخيم دهيشة 

AUGUST 20, 2021 

The restrictions on civil society organizations worldwide are growing and the effects on their work have been increasingly noticeable in many places. These restrictions may include laws, policies, state practices, administrative decisions, arrests, judgements, and incitements. The ultimate intent is to silence criticism and critics. Such attempts are classified as Shrinking Spaces: to hinder or eliminate civil society’s freedom or scope of action. In some regions this strategy had the effect that no independent civil society exists anymore and only state mouthpieces in the shape of non- governmental organizations. 

1st edition : Portuguese-   January 2021

Produced by the Movement for the Liberation of Palestine - Ghassan kanafani

Fidayin  Publisher- Florianópolis – Brazil.

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